Thursday, February 21, 2019

In 1902

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In Salt Lake City in 1902, where would a woman go to nursing school?
a.                  Deseret University
b.                  The University of Utah
c.                   The Relief Society Nursing School
d.                  The Young Woman’s Nursing School
Yesterday’s answer:
A   Doctor and dentist
From the life of Hilda Erickson:   It was fun growing up in Grantsville where I went horseback riding, sledding, and dancing. And how I enjoyed producing plays in our home. It was there that a handsome young man by the name of John Erickson began courting me. He had his own farm, was a good singer, and always had a good, clean story to tell. Although he kept proposing to me, I wasn’t ready to settle down. Then my best friend, Lucy Clark, made me promise that I would get married when she did. So on February 2, 1882, Lucy had her beau, Alfred Eliason, and John Erickson and I went to Salt Lake City to the Endowment House to get “hitched.” I wasn’t convinced then that I was ready for marriage and remarked, “I wish I was at home and going to the dance.”
John and I set up housekeeping in Grantsville. A year later, we were called on a mission to the Goshute Indians in Deep Creek (now Ibapah) in the southwestern corner of the county where hardly anybody goes anymore since they built the road to Wendover. We had Sunday School in our home, and I taught the Indian women how to sew and make gloves and other useful articles. During long winger evenings, I had time to create lace doilies and curtains, and soon our little cabin was a nice little home.
Since it was so difficult for women to bear children under such primitive conditions, I decided to go to Salt Lake City and take a course in obstetrics from Doctor Romania B. Pratt who was in charge of the Deseret Hospital. From then on, I was busy delivering babies for Indians uncommon then for an Indian to come to our cabin calling, ‘Hiddity, you come quick,” and I would ride sidesaddle on my horse to his camp. Since they didn’t have fancy sunglasses or goggles like we have now, I rigged up a gray buckskin mask to protect my face from the blowing sand.
Often, I was called upon to stitch up ugly wounds the men received while breaking wild horses-and I performed the same service on the horses. I once came upon a man with a very bad toothache. I pulled his tooth and went on my way, and after that, I was the local dentist.
John and I served a twelve-year mission at Deep Creek; then we rented the Church ranch for another three years. Around 1897 we built our own ranch twenty-five miles north of Ibapah. When John was called on a mission to Sweden in 1903, I had full responsibility of the ranch. By then we had a second home in Grantsville so that our children-we had two of them-could attend school. Although I made the four-to-six-day trip to the ranch by team and wagon, I was never afraid to travel alone across the desert.
After John returned from his mission, we decided to build a store on our ranch, but we had to make the two-week round trips to Salt Lake City to stock our store with merchandise. I was the store manager, buyer, and clerk, and miners, sheepherders, and cattlemen from the surrounding mountains arrived from all direction for supplies. Because the distances were great and travel was slow, our customers often stayed for several days. There were occasions when I housed and fed as many as thirty men at one time.
Lesson Committee, Museum Memories-Daughters of Utah Pioneers, (Salt Lake City, Talon Printing, 2010), 2: 19-20.

Wednesday, February 20, 2019

She Didn’t Ask for it

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When married one year, Hilda Erickson and her husband John were called on a mission to the Goshute natives southwest of Salt Lake City in 1883. Even though she didn’t ask for it, what did she eventually become to the natives?
a.                  Doctor and dentist
b.                  Chief
c.                   Medicine woman
d.                  Indian agent
Yesterday’s answer:
C   8
From the life of Alexander Schreiner:   [Brother Schreiner], organist of the Tabernacle, Salt Lake City, Utah, was born July 31, 1901 in Nuremberg, Germany, the son of Johann Christian and Margarethe Schwemmer Schreiner. His parents joined the Church in 1903 and soon thereafter offered their home to the branch for regular sacrament services, Sunday school and choir rehearsals. This afforded their son opportunity to hear much church music at an early age. When only five years old, at a Christmas program, he played in public for the first time. He was baptized at the age of eight, at which time he was also appointed organist for the Nuremberg branch of the Church. His regular duties consisted of playing for Sunday school, Sacramental meeting, choir rehearsal and the mid-week Bible hour. At this time he was studying piano with Herr Karl Anders and violin with Herr Stengel.
In 1912 he left Germany with his parents and settled in Salt Lake City. He was immediately appointed organist for the German meetings, and, soon thereafter, organist in the Cannon Ward. His musical studies in piano, harmony and organ were continued under the tutelage of John J. McClellan, who recognized the talent of this eleven-year-old boy and who at that early date predicted a brilliant future for him.
At the age of sixteen, Alexander Schreiner was engaged to play the large organ at the American Theater, then the most important play-house in Salt Lake City. By the time he finished high school he was offered a similar position in Butte, Montana, and, following this, he did theater work in Portland, Oregon, and in Los Angeles, California. At the age of twenty he played his first recitals on the Tabernacle organ at the invitation of the regular organists.
In 1921 he left for a mission in California. His fame was then already established, for during his first year of missionary work eight different organist’s position were offered him, greatly to the pride and astonishment of his missionary companions. Of course none of these positions could be accepted at that time. However, he played a number of concert engagements, dedicating new church organs, one of which was the large organ in Angeles Temple, Los Angeles. During the last part of his mission he presided over the Los Angeles Conference, in which thirty-five missionaries were laboring. He was released in March, 1924.
Upon his return to Salt Lake City, he was immediately appointed one of the organists at the Tabernacle. In September, 1924, he left for Europe, and for two years in Paris he studied harmony and counterpoint with Henri Libert, and organ with Charles Marie Widor and Louis Vierne, the latter organist at Notre Dame Cathedral. He was invited frequently to play various important organs, and thus had good opportunity to study their design and construction.
In 1927 he married Margaret Lyman, daughter of Dr. and Mrs. Richard R. Lyman, who was born Sept. 15, 1903. Two children have been born to this union, namely, Richard Lyman Schreiner in 1931 and John Christian Schreiner in 1933.
In 1930, when the University of California at Los Angeles was presented with the beautiful Mudd Memorial organ, Mr. Schreiner was invited to play the first 25 recitals. This was to be followed by other series of recitals by other organists in order that the University authorities might have some basis of judgment on which to make a final selection for the permanent position. After Mr. Schreiner had played his first six recitals, his success was so outstanding that the contracts with the other organist (who were to try out) were all cancelled and he was appointed University organist with the consent of the First Presidency of the Church, who gave him a yearly leave of absence for nine months. He continues to spend his summers at the Tabernacle, where he plays national radiobroadcasts and noon recitals. At the University of California at Los Angeles, in addition to his duties as organist, he is a member of the faculty as lecturer in music.
For five years he was organist at the First Methodist Church of Los Angeles, the largest Methodist Church in the world. He assisted John McCormack in the making of one of his motion pictures at the Fox Studio. He had played dedicatory recitals at Barker Brothers in Los Angeles, and in Riverside, San Bernardino, Fullerton, Phoenix and other cities. 
During the summer of 1936 the “Deseret News” presented him in a series of special Bach, Franck and Wagner programs at five p.m. in the Tabernacle. These recitals were enthusiastically received by large audiences.
Mr. Schreiner is intensely interested in devising plans for the improvement of musical equipment in the chapels of the Church. He feels that a pipe organ is a most desirable adjunct to a church edifice, and that nothing of equal cost can inspire and lead to lofty thoughts as does the music for a church organ. In 1936 he wrote for ward and Sunday school organists a book of devotional music entitled “Schreiner’s Organ Voluntaries.”
Andrew Jenson, L.D.S. Biographical Encyclopedia, (Salt Lake City, Andrew Jensen Memorial Association, 1936), 4: 164-166.

Tuesday, February 19, 2019

His First Organist Calling

Alexander Schreiner in recital.jpg
Alexander Schreiner
How old was Tabernacle organist Alexander Schreiner, when he was first called to be the organist in his Germany branch
a.                  3
b.                  5
c.                   8
d.                  12
Yesterday’s answer:
A   Polygamy
Referring to the September 1851 “runaway” of four government territorial officers assigned to Utah Territory and the fact that Thomas L. Kane may not have known about Mormon polygamy prior to 1851 when he question Jedediah Grant:   Kane and Grant probably met in Kane’s office in the historic Philadelphia State House where the U.S. Constitution had been drafted. Kane at first passed over one item as a stale rumor: the “runaways’” explosive claim that the Mormons practiced plural marriage. There was an awkward pause, as Grant, with difficulty, reported to Brigham Young on December 30. “I found myself . . . under the disagreeable necessity of volunteering to tell him how far . . . [the charge of plural marriage] was false and how far it was true. . .  
. . .It seems improbable that Kane could have been so naïve. The Mormon camps of Iowa and Nebraska must have been full of tell-tale clues about plural marriage when he visited them in 1846. Since then the public press had carried one report after another about polygamy, some written by reliable travelers passing through Utah Territory. Yet Kane was so captivated by the cause of Mormonism that he had failed to see what was in plain sight. Kane’s’ naiveté was matched by the Mormons’ lack of candor to their defender.
[Jedediah] Grant, who was certainly in an uncomfortable spot, defended plural marriage to Kane with social and religious theory. He told Kane that faithful Mormon females outnumbered faithful men by a ratio of three to two, “showing that one third of our women must remain single, or marry out of the church.” Mormon practice was “limited and strict in its nature,” Grant asserted. Furthermore, Grant appealed to Kane’s interest in women’s rights by stating that “the rights of women among us are sacredly regarded and respected.” Women “are kindly treated, well provided for, and saved in the scripture sense of the word.” The practice was a special dispensation authorized by God, Grant insisted.
Other men might have changed their course. Plural marriage was anathema to Kane, who saw himself as a modern reformer. Old Testament polygamy seemed archaic. He probably suffered more from his false certitudes. His personal honor was precious to him; he had not only been deceived, but he had also unknowingly deceived others, including Fillmore. Yet, after Kane’s first dreadful pause, he reenrolled in the cause. A few days following his dramatic interview with Grant, Kane wrote to Bernhisel on December 29 that, while the news had brought him” deep pain and humiliation,” he could still be counted on. Grant claimed that he had no doubts about Kane’s loyalty. “I am satisfied he will not fail to do all in his power to help us in the present crisis of affairs.” Grant told Salt Lake City officials. “He declares that he will never leave us when we are in trouble.”
In his letter to [John] Bernhisel on December 29, the day [President] Fillmore was scheduled to release the Utah documents, Kane unveiled a strategy. Because the charges of the “runaways” could not be quickly or simply answered, Kane suggested that the Mormons’ play for time by asking the House of Representatives to establish a committee to look into Utah. Such a committee might require a visit to the distant territory and many months to complete its work. Meanwhile, many of the charges might be put to rest and the public’s anger toward the Mormons could cool. However, on one point Kane was insistent: The Mormon’s much not make any more false statements about plural marriage. Indeed, he suggested that the Mormons write “an Explanation to the Public” on plural marriage “in advance of the Inquiry by the Committee.”
Ronald W. Walker and Matthew J. Grow, The People Are “Hogafeed or Humbugged”: The 1851-52 National Reaction to Utah’s “Runaway” Officers, Journal of Mormon History, Fall 2014, 23-25.

Monday, February 18, 2019

Over Looking the Obvious

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In 1851, in wake of the four territorial officers fleeing Utah and spreading rumors in Washington D.C., what did Thomas L. Kane fail to see and brushed off to rumor?
a.                  Polygamy
b.                  Mormons have horns
c.                   The Nauvoo Legion was going to war against the United States
d.                  The Mormons were forming alliances with the Natives to disrupt Oregon and California emigration  
Yesterday’s answer:
C   15
Since the brothers’ murders [Smith] in 1844, William had arguably affiliated with more factions of Mormonism than any other single individual. He had linked his aspirations to the Mormonism established by his brother, to Brigham Young’s leadership after Joseph Smith’s death, to George J. Adams in Iowa, to James J. Strang in Wisconsin, to Lyman Wight in Texas, to Isaac Sheen in Kentucky, and to Martin Harris in Ohio. In addition, William had associated with a host of noted dissidents, including Benjamin Winchester, John C. Bennett, William McLellin, Reuben Miller, John E. Page, Jared Carter, Jason W. Briggs, and Zena H. Gurley, among others. He had additionally formed his own promising offshoot of Mormonism but had undercut its promising expansion by his own misbehavior.
He also intermittently supported Brigham Young’s leadership and the Saints in Utah—who were justifiably suspicious of his overtures. Surrounded by the fragments of his own church of Jesus Christ of latter Day Saints, Smith wrote to Young each year from 1854 to 1856, sounding him out about his possible return and making it clear that a condition for such a reconciliation would be the restoration of the apostolic and patriarchal offices. Obviously, he considered himself—the last surviving Smith brother—to be a valuable property; but Young would have none of it. There is not evidence that he ever responded to Williams’ letters. William’s next move was to associate with Martin Harris who considered himself a Mormon again (despite what can only be described as his own revolving door through several denominations) before he settled in Kirtland and made himself the custodian of the temple. William made several efforts, teaming up with Harris, to revive his church, but to no avail. In 1857, William finally gave up on attempting to reorganize his church. He was forty-six, vigorous, talented, and fatally blinded by pride and insecurity about the best way to use these talents.
James A. Toronto, The “Wild West” of Missionary Work” Reopening the Italian Mission, 1965-71, Journal of Mormon History, Fall 2014, 90-91.

Sunday, February 17, 2019

Never Satisfied

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William Smith

After Joseph and Hyrum’s death, how many factions did William Smith join with?
a.                  5
b.                  10
c.                   15
d.                  20
Yesterday’s answer:
A   Books of Mormon
From the Italian mission: Because of their positive experience with the impromptu choir concert on Christmas Eve 1966, the missionaries sensed the potential of musical and sporting events in garnering media attention and hence, in attracting wider exposure for their message. In August 1967 several elders were transferred to mission headquarters in Florence to join a newly formed mission basketball team, carrying the evangelically pragmatic name I Mormoni SUG (The Mormons LDS). The missionaries played against teams from universities and sporting clubs throughout Italy, normally in large cities already opened to missionary work. Team members presented each opposing team with copies of the Book of Mormon and gave a brief explanation of the Church. Other missionaries working in the area would put on half-time shows (such as judo exhibitions), dress up as female cheerleaders to urge the team on to victory, pass out Church literature, and invite spectators to Church services. During the late sixties in Europe, basketball was a sport that was just beginning to attract attention and participants; thus, even with little practice I Mormoni SUG managed to make a respectable showing.
In February 1968, after six months of competition, the mission basketball team officially disbanded, and the sports experiment was never revisited. The team’s record was twenty wins and twenty-four losses; however, the winning percentage was secondary to the overall objective of spreading “the name and spirt of Mormonism in Italy through the new and fast growing sport of basketball.” A total of 176 copies of the Book of Mormon had been distributed, 90 newspaper articles had been published, and 13,000 spectators had attended their games.
James A. Toronto, The “Wild West” of Missionary Work” Reopening the Italian Mission, 1965-71, Journal of Mormon History, Fall 2014, 44-45.

Saturday, February 16, 2019

I Mormoni SUG

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During the late 1960s missionaries in the Italian mission formed a basketball team and dubbed themselves I Mromoni SUG (The Mormons LDS). Prior to games, the players on the team would present the opposing players a gift. What did they give?
a.                  Books of Mormon
b.                  Flowers
c.                   Article of Faith cards
d.                  Bibles
Yesterday’s answer:
C   A surveyors fee
In Nauvoo the Church had purchased land from absentee owners and local settlers and resold it at prices adjusted to a buyer’s ability to pay. Circumstances differed in the newest stake of Zion—and in its future colonies. The Twelve said, “We have no land to sell to the Saints in the Great Basin, . . . and no one of you have any land to buy or sell more than ourselves; for the inheritance is of the Lord, and we are his servants, to see that everyone has his portion in due season.” The terms of distribution reflected a principle outlined in Missouri’s law of consecration. The Twelve’s decision on how to allocate farm land was: “you are entitled to as much as you can till or as you need for your support,” with the added provisions that the recipient must pay the surveyor for his services.” Once a recipient had received an inheritance, it was his responsibility to feed his family by the sweat of his brow. He was free to sell his land and its improvements if and when he wished.
Glen M. Leonard, Seeking An Inheritance: Mormon Mobility, Urbanity, and Community, Journal of Mormon History, Spring 2014, 34-35.

Friday, February 15, 2019

The Only Money Owing

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When the Saints first entered the Salt Lake Valley land wasn’t sold, but rather allocated to the members of the Church. What was the only money owing after a family received it’s land?
a.                  A donation to the Relief Society
b.                  A land tax
c.                   A surveyors fee
d.                  A land tithe
Yesterday’s answer:
A   The poor went before the rich
A revelation from Joseph Smith prophesied: “The righteous shall be gathered out from among all nations, and shall come to Zion, singing with songs of everlasting joy.” Although Smith’s revelations counseled the Saints not to “gather in haste, lest there by confusion,” entire bodies of Mormon congregations moved to Jackson County. Shortly after Smith’s first visit to Missouri, he recorded the revelatory counsel that the gathering begin with the rich and the learned, the wise and the noble. . . [T]hen shall the poor, the lame and the blind, and the deaf, come in unto the marriage of the Lamb.” However, “this regulation was not attended to,” Mormon John Corrill wrote, “for the church got crazy to go up to Zion, as it was then called. The rich were afraid to send up their money to purchase lands, and the poor coursed up in numbers, without having any places provided, contrary to the advice of the bishop and others.” Trusting that they were the chosen people of God, the more destitute Mormons rushed to Zion expecting to receive the blessings of the Lord. The land of Zion was their “Inheritance” and according to one revelation, the Lord promised to “consecrate the riches of the Gentiles, unto my people which are of the house of Israel.” Within two years of settlement, Mormons numbered 1,200—a third of the county’s population.
Matthew B. Lund, A Society of Like-Minded Men: American Localism and The Mormon Expulsion From Jackson County, Journal of Mormon History, Summer 2014, 177-178.

Thursday, February 14, 2019

The Wagon before the Horse

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The migration from Ohio to Missouri didn’t go as Joseph Smith envisioned. What went wrong?
a.                  The poor went before the rich
b.                  The Jack Mormons went before the Spiritually vested Mormons
c.                   Members purchased land before selling off their Ohio properties
d.                  The regular members flooded the area before the leaders arrived
Yesterday’s answer:
D   800
South African Mission baseball:   Back in Cape Town the Cumorah’s and Nomads would do battle many times that first season with their rivalry culminating in a five-game championship series held over the last week of January and the first two weeks of February 1933. After four games, the winner of the Henry Hermann Cup had yet to be determined, and Game 5 was scheduled for Saturday, February 11, at Hartleyvale Field in Observatory. More than eight hundred fans witnessed the historic finale to the Western Province Baseball Championship. The game went into the final inning tied four all. The Nomads were held scoreless in the top half; and with two outs and a man on third in the bottom, it all came down to the “Suit Rack”—the nickname of the Cumorah’s ninth man, a missionary who had not grown up playing the game and was not particularly good at it, especially when it came to hitting. According to Dalton, who never mentions the player by name, the moniker was given the missionary simply because the team required nine players “so a suit was hung on him” to compete the lineup. Dalton’s energetic writing captures the moment:
Look! The score is four to four in the ninth and Cumorah is last at bat and has two men down, however, a man is on third and if he can be brought in, the game will be won. Imagine the publicity this will give the Mormons. But the “Suit Rack” was the man to go to the bat, and all Cumorah and friends let out a groan. He would fan for sure and the Nomads would get another chance and they were plenty strong and were trying hard to win. Boy! If a prayer could only be answered now in favor of Cumorah.
The “suit rack” knew his weakness and felt it more than anyone else. He was the humblest of any man on the field and felt that too. He picked up a bat, it didn’t make any difference, which one it was, any one would do, the result would be the same. Charlie Converse the polished Nomads pitcher knew that and his winning smile became bigger and bigger as he looked about the in-field with satisfaction as the eager team mates registered delight because of the poor plight Cumorah found itself in, which was all to the advantage of the Nomads.
The scorekeeper called a second time the name of the “suit rack” because he was so slow in performing his unwanted duty. He dragged the heavy bat over to the missionary [Don Dalton] and said, “Pray for me--, where upon the missionary replied, “Pray for you! Yes, but I’m tired [of] praying for you!, Go out there and hit that ball.”
The “suit rack” squared his shoulders and crunched his molars. His lower jaw became firm and set and he went to the plate, --a man. “Step into it Elder”, came the word from the bench as Converse wound up.
Down the alley, and through the groove the ball came, because there was no use using any more than three balls straight over the plate to strike out the “suit rack”. But WHAM!—WHAT! He stepped into it, a great hit, a Texas leaguer, where the infield could not reach it and too short for the outfield. Oh! Boy!—the crowd went wild. They didn’t even notice the winning run as one of the missionaries ran across the plate. All eyes were on the “suit rack”. It was a feast. Cheered and admired the humblest one of all was showered with congratulations. His best was not good enough, but the prayer that his best might be made better was answered. This was in fact his best missionary work.
Booker T. Alston, The Cumorah Baseball Club: Mormon Missionaries and Baseball in South Africa, Journal of Mormon History, Summer 2014, 105-107.